{"id":2099,"date":"2018-01-06T09:45:56","date_gmt":"2018-01-06T14:45:56","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www2.law.temple.edu\/aer\/?p=2099"},"modified":"2021-12-16T14:57:51","modified_gmt":"2021-12-16T14:57:51","slug":"reducing-judicial-crime-severity-bias-motion-decision-making","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/law.temple.edu\/aer\/2018\/01\/06\/reducing-judicial-crime-severity-bias-motion-decision-making\/","title":{"rendered":"Reducing Judicial Crime-Severity Bias In Motion Decision-making"},"content":{"rendered":"

It will come as no surprise that judges are not automatons, oblivious to emotion or extraneous information when making decisions.\u00a0 To the contrary, the literature is\u00a0 filled with examples, such as the increase in sentences (particularly for black youth) if the judge\u2019s football team lost the previous weekend.\u00a0\u00a0 https:\/\/www.thecut.com\/2016\/09\/judges-give-harsh-sentences-when-their-football-team-loses.html<\/a><\/p>\n

\"\"<\/p>\n

So one question is whether judges can be shielded from information that might distort decision-making.\u00a0 For example, should a judge know how important an item of evidence is to the prosecution case before deciding whether police conduct violated the Constitution and the evidence should be suppressed?\u00a0 Will knowing the weight of the evidence distort the \u2018balls and strikes\u2019 call of whether there was a violation of the Fourth Amendment?<\/p>\n

Consider this research, using lay persons instructed on how to judge:<\/p>\n

research showed that when lay participants acting as judges were faced with pivotal but illegally obtained evidence of a morally repugnant crime that triggered a strong motivation to punish (selling heroin to high school students), they tended to construe discovery of the evidence as “inevitable,” which enabled them to recommend that the “tainted” evidence be admitted under the legal exception. By contrast, when an identical illegal police search uncovered evidence of a less egregious crime (unlawfully selling marijuana to cancer patients), participants were over three times more likely to suppress the challenged evidence, construing the search as calling for application of the exclusionary rule without exception. This difference in suppression outcomes between the two cases appeared to be mediated by the decisionmakers’ perceptions of the defendant as more immoral and deserving of punishment in the heroin condition than in the marijuana condition.<\/p>\n

Sood, \u00a0APPLYING EMPIRICAL PSYCHOLOGY TO INFORM COURTROOM ADJUDICATION — POTENTIAL CONTRIBUTIONS AND CHALLENGES, 130 Harv. L. Rev. F. 301, 303-304 (2017).<\/p>\n

Can this be automatically extrapolated to law-trained judges?\u00a0 The answer is \u201cprobably.\u201d\u00a0 There is no reason to suspect that judges, albeit being trained in the law, won\u2019t be moved in at least some instances by extraneous matter \u2013 the seriousness of the crime, the risk to successful prosecution if the evidence is excluded.\u00a0 What can\u2019t be said without extensive testing of judges is the matter of degree.<\/p>\n

Accepting that this is a risk, what method(s) may be implemented to reduce it and ensure that as much objectivity as is possible can be applied in deciding whether to admit or exclude evidence? Professor Sood begins with education.\u00a0 \u201cAt the most basic level, simply raising judicial awareness by informing judges of research on decision-making points shown to be vulnerable to cognitive biases may help them guard against these effects in their own legal judgments.\u201d<\/p>\n

Whether this will have a lasting effect cannot be said (and is difficult to test).\u00a0 So on a more functional level I suggest two mechanisms.<\/p>\n

The first, and more simple, is to preclude the judge from learning what<\/em> was seized.\u00a0 At any motion to suppress, the parties will be limited to describing the characteristic\/category of what is sought to be excluded \u2013 a statement to police, physical evidence from a car\u2019s trunk \u2013 without detailing specifics.\u00a0 A judge won\u2019t know, in the case of physical evidence, whether it was a tie that matched what the perpetrator wore or the bloody knife.\u00a0 This will provide moderate insulation against biasing.\u00a0 This may not work in all cases, as in some instances knowledge of what<\/em> was seized may be necessary to assessing whether the seizure complied with the Fourth Amendment, but it is a start.<\/p>\n

A second, and more complex approach, is to have a judge who will not know the charges hear pre-trial motions.\u00a0 This impacts resources in the judiciary and has substantial limitations \u2013 the judge will still likely know if the prosecutor is from the homicide unit or the minor felony unit.<\/p>\n

Each of these concepts is a form of \u201cblinding,\u201d removing information that might bias or sway a decision-maker. \u00a0\u00a0It has been recommended for prosecutors \u2013 decide what charge(s) to bring without knowing the race of the defendant.\u00a0 Sah, Robertson and Baughman, Blinding prosecutors to defendants\u2019 race: A policy proposal to reduce unconscious bias in the criminal justice system (2016).\u00a0 https:\/\/behavioralpolicy.org\/articles\/blinding-prosecutors-to-defendants-race-a-policy-proposal-to-reduce-unconscious-bias-in-the-criminal-justice-system\/<\/a><\/p>\n

There is no apparent barrier to a judicial system considering the same.\u00a0 This will be incredibly difficult for an individual lawyer, as a motion to \u2018blind\u2019 the judge runs the risk of affronting the very person charged with deciding the case.\u00a0 So it may be that Professor Sood\u2019s call for education is the first step, to be followed thereafter [perhaps] by a meeting between the criminal justice Bar and and the court to explore system-wide reforms.\u00a0 In the meantime, however, beware the impact of decision-irrelevant information; as much as a lawyer\u2019s skill, it may be driving the suppression decision.<\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n

 <\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

It will come as no surprise that judges are not automatons, oblivious to emotion or extraneous information when making decisions.\u00a0 To the contrary, the literature is\u00a0 filled with examples, such as the increase in sentences (particularly for black youth) if the judge\u2019s football team lost the previous weekend.\u00a0\u00a0 https:\/\/www.thecut.com\/2016\/09\/judges-give-harsh-sentences-when-their-football-team-loses.html So one question is whether judges<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":31,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"generate_page_header":"","_jetpack_memberships_contains_paid_content":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[2,3,6,11],"tags":[],"coauthors":[238],"class_list":["post-2099","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-advocacy","category-advocacy-and-evidence-blog","category-criminal-law","category-trial-advocacy"],"yoast_head":"\nReducing Judicial Crime-Severity Bias In Motion Decision-making - Advocacy and Evidence Resources<\/title>\n<meta name=\"description\" content=\"In deciding suppression motions, judges are at risk of being influenced by the seriousness of the crime and the risk to successful prosecution.\" \/>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" 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