{"id":2129,"date":"2019-12-04T14:01:50","date_gmt":"2019-12-04T19:01:50","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www2.law.temple.edu\/10q\/?p=2129"},"modified":"2019-12-04T14:01:50","modified_gmt":"2019-12-04T19:01:50","slug":"antitrust-agency-turf-war-over-big-tech-investigations","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/law.temple.edu\/10q\/antitrust-agency-turf-war-over-big-tech-investigations\/","title":{"rendered":"Antitrust Agency Turf War Over Big Tech Investigations"},"content":{"rendered":"

The Federal Trade Commission (\u201cFTC\u201d) and the Department of Justice (\u201cDOJ\u201d) have found themselves under the microscope as calls for antitrust investigations into \u201cBig Tech\u201d companies escalate. The agencies, which share civil antitrust enforcement authority, are reportedly engaged in a turf war over investigations of companies operating in the social media, online retail, search engine, and app store space. In September, FTC Chairman Joseph Simons reportedly sent a letter to Assistant Attorney General Makan Delrahim expressing concern about the agencies\u2019 interactions. Meanwhile, they both appear to be investigating the same Big Tech companies, contrary to a clearance agreement penned by the agencies in 2002 as well as a more recent reported agreement concerning Big Tech. What is causing this largely uncharacteristic dispute and what effect will it have on enforcement?<\/p>\n

The Agency Clearance Process:<\/h2>\n

As we discussed in June 2018<\/a>, because the FTC and DOJ have concurrent civil antitrust jurisdiction, they rely on a clearance agreement to coordinate their authority. The current agreement\u2019s Appendix A seeks to prevent disputes by assigning particular industries to each agency. The quasi-independent, consumer-protection-focused FTC generally monitors industries that, as Simons recently put it, \u201cmost directly affect consumers and their wallets.\u201d By contrast, the DOJ, an executive branch law enforcement agency, generally oversees less consumer-facing industries and sectors impacting national defense. Because Appendix A is perfunctory, however, disputes frequently arise when a company targeted for investigation falls between Appendix A\u2019s cracks or, more commonly, straddles more than one industry. The clearance agreement lists criteria for resolving these disputes. Emphasizing specialization and conservation of resources, it grants priority to the agency \u201cwith expertise in the product or similar products \u2026 gained through a substantial antitrust investigation \u2026 within the last seven years.\u201d The agreement also enumerates a list of tie-breaking factors; for example, an agency gets more \u201cexpertise\u201d credit if a case was litigated to verdict than if it was filed and later settled. While the vast majority of disputes are settled with Appendix A and the tie-breaking criteria, disagreements may also be settled through a neutral evaluator and, ultimately, upon elevation to direct discussion by the FTC chairperson and the assistant attorney general for the Antitrust Division of the DOJ.<\/p>\n

Conflicts Over Investigations Into Big Tech:<\/h2>\n

The agencies\u2019 turf war over Big Tech suggests they may be struggling to apply the aging clearance agreement to companies and business models that were somewhat embryonic when it was drafted in 2002. For example, social media is not explicitly addressed in the agreement, and there appears to be no obvious analogue to it in Appendix A. Although there are reports that the FTC and DOJ struck a new clearance deal concerning Big Tech, there are bound to be hiccups. U.S. Sen. Mike Lee, chairman of the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy, and Consumer Rights, said last month: \u201cWhat\u2019s evident from this latest institutional tug of war is that the Antitrust Division of the DOJ and the FTC are now actively battling each other to take the lead in pursuing Big Tech.\u201d<\/p>\n

However, the emergence of Big Tech does not fully explain the discord. This summer, the DOJ and FTC publicly clashed in the FTC\u2019s monopolization case against cellular chipmaker Qualcomm\u2014a quarter-century-old enterprise whose product seems to fit neatly within Appendix A\u2019s framework. The case was filed by a divided FTC commission in the waning days of the Obama administration, alleging the company licensed standard essential patents in an anticompetitive fashion. The district court ruled in the FTC\u2019s favor, but, on Qualcomm\u2019s appeal, the DOJ filed an amicus brief siding with Qualcomm\u2019s request for a stay of the lower court\u2019s ruling. It argued: \u201cImmediate implementation of the remedy could put our nation\u2019s security at risk, which is vital to military readiness and other critical national interests.\u201d<\/p>\n

More importantly, because the standard for a stay requires a peek at the merits of Qualcomm\u2019s appeal, the DOJ found itself in the unusual position of undermining the FTC\u2019s case: \u201cQualcomm is likely to succeed on the merits because the district court\u2019s decision ignores established antitrust principles and imposes an overly broad remedy.\u201d The FTC responded in its opposition brief that the DOJ \u201cmischaracterized\u201d the district court\u2019s analysis, that it offered \u201cunsubstantiated concerns\u201d about R&D, and that it essentially asserted that Qualcomm should be immune from antitrust scrutiny.<\/p>\n

Given the current political emphasis on a variety of real or perceived controversial competition issues, it is no wonder the FTC and DOJ have prioritized investigatory action over fidelity to the clearance process. As Sen. Amy Klobuchar, ranking member of the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy, and Consumer Rights, said in a September hearing, \u201cI\u2019d rather have a split investigation between the DOJ and FTC than no investigation.\u201d The clearance agreement itself says: \u201cEach agency nevertheless retains full responsibility and authority for the discharge of its statutory duties.\u201d<\/p>\n

September\u2019s Senate Antitrust Oversight Hearing:<\/h2>\n

As has been widely reported, Big Tech clearance disputes played a role in a Sept. 17 Senate oversight hearing held by the Senate Subcommittee on Antitrust, Competition Policy, and Consumer Rights, which was attended by Simons and Delrahim. In opening remarks, Sen. Mike Lee chastised the agencies: \u201cIn the past, the agencies have avoided too much mischief because they\u2019ve generally played well together. Recently, this appears quite regrettably to have changed. From what I can tell, clearance disputes have become more frequent, more pronounced, and more prolonged.\u201d<\/p>\n

Lee asked Delrahim and Simons whether the FTC and DOJ were still operating under the \u201cclearance system to avoid duplicative efforts or have things broken down on this front?\u201d Simons responded, \u201cfor the vast majority of matters, we continue to operate under the existing clearance agreement,\u201d but, upon further questioning, agreed with Lee that \u201cthings have broken down at least in part.\u201d Delrahim added: \u201cI cannot deny that there are instances where Chairman Simons\u2019 and my time is wasted on those types of squabbles.\u201d<\/p>\n

Lee also quizzed the agency heads whether, hypothetically, if they were asked to provide \u201cadvice on setting up an antitrust regime in another country \u2026 that didn\u2019t already have one, would you under any circumstances recommend that they follow the U.S. model and that they have two separate agencies responsible for civil antitrust enforcement?\u201d Simons responded flatly: \u201cNo, I wouldn\u2019t.\u201d Delrahim remarked, \u201cit would be hard to imagine a system being designed at the first instance like we have today.\u201d He conceded: \u201cIt\u2019s not the best model of efficiency.\u201d<\/p>\n

The Hazards of Clearance Disputes:<\/h2>\n

Disputes over clearance can have tangible adverse effects on enforcement. First, some have commented that delays caused by clearance disputes can narrow the efficacy of remedial options, particularly with mergers. As Sen. Richard Blumenthal has commented, \u201cThe Big Tech companies are not waiting for the agencies to finish their cases. They are structuring their companies so that you can\u2019t unscramble the egg.\u201d Structural remedies are favored by Delrahim, who has commented that alternative, behavioral remedies should be used sparingly: \u201cThe division has a strong preference for structural remedies over behavioral ones. \u2026 The Antitrust Division is a law enforcer and, even where regulation is appropriate, it is not equipped to be the ongoing regulator.\u201d<\/p>\n

Second, disputes over clearance and, more so, duplicative investigations waste agency resources, threaten to blunt their effectiveness, and can lead to inconsistent and confusing governmental positions. In the Sept. 17 oversight hearing, Simons and Delrahim were both criticized for requesting an increase in funding: \u201cAs you both acknowledged, both of you could use, and desperately need, more resources. That being the case, it makes no sense to me that we should have duplication of effort, when that has a tendency inevitably to undermine the effectiveness of what you\u2019re doing.\u201d Duplicative investigations dilute the specialization that is a principal goal of the agencies\u2019 clearance agreement and raise the risk that one agency will take legal positions that undercut the other. No doubt the DOJ\u2019s amicus brief in the Qualcomm case influenced the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit\u2019s decision to issue a stay pending appeal.<\/p>\n

So how will the FTC and DOJ resolve their latest turf war? Perhaps they will revisit their clearance agreement and decide to split their authority by company or the business practice being investigated, based on prior agency experience, rather than by industry as Appendix A currently does. Or maybe Congress will decide to consolidate civil antitrust enforcement jurisdiction under one agency. That seems like a long shot considering the political implications. However, during the Senate\u2019s antitrust oversight hearing, Sen. Josh Hawley proposed \u201ccleaning up the overlap in jurisdiction by removing it from one agency\u201d and \u201cclearly designating enforcement authority to one agency.\u201d One thing is sure\u2014the agencies should not be duplicating civil antitrust investigations. Stay tuned.<\/p>\n

This article is reprinted with permission from the Oct. 4, 2019, edition of The Legal Intelligencer.<\/p>\n

The full article in its original form can be found here<\/a>.<\/p>\n

\n

Carl W. Hittinger (LAW \u201979) is a senior partner and serves as BakerHostetler\u2019s Antitrust and Competition Practice National Team Leader and the litigation group coordinator for the firm\u2019s Philadelphia office. He concentrates his practice on complex commercial and civil rights trial and appellate litigation, with a particular emphasis on antitrust and unfair competition matters, including class actions.<\/em><\/p>\n

Tyson Y. Herrold is an associate in the firm\u2019s Philadelphia office in its litigation group. His practice focuses on complex commercial litigation, particularly antitrust and unfair competition matters, as well as civil rights litigation. <\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Temple Law alumnus Carl Hittinger discusses the positions of the Federal Trade Commission and the Department of Justice as calls for antitrust investigations into \u201cBig Tech\u201d companies escalate. 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